Condemnation and Sanctioning of Italy

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Condemnation and Sanctioning of Italy

Post by Gesar » 01:28:50 Thursday, 09 November, 2017

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Julio Álvarez del Vayo
Delegate to the League of Nations
Nations of the world,

Since the 6th of December not two years past, we have heard plenty from His Imperial Majesty the Emperor of Ethiopia. He has told us, time and again, of the dangers of fascism, and of the peril his nation faced. He has spoken, and spoken, and spoken some more, until this assembly has proven sick unto death of the hearing. But this League, formed as it was to ensure peace between nations, has not acted. Indeed, we have been silent -too silent- on the nature of fascism, and its expansionist ideology, now brutally imposed on the people who have acknowledged the aims of this dear organization. But now, when the onslaught continues and Emperor Haile Selassie has fled to the United Kingdom, we stand silent.

Is this the justice of the League of Nations? Shall one nation, having utilized weapons we hoped were dead during the Great War, now wage war upon another with nary a word from this Assembly? Shall we pledge ourselves to the silence that enabled Mussolini's fascism to rise, only to find that without words, we have no weapons?

Spain says no, y friends and colleagues! Our nation is under assault by the same criminals who wish to annex the entire Abyssinian nation. We condemn the crimes of the Italian government, call upon them to answer, and ask our friends of the international community to do the same. Italy has flouted international law in the face of our recent sanctions. Let us make it stick, and remind the world that the League of Nations stancds for peace with principle, not submission with disgrace.

It is therefore that Spain proposes, and naturally votes yes to:
Recognizing the fundamental sovereignty of all self-determining nations under international law;
Upholding Article X of the Covenant of this organization, which declares assistance must be rendered to a League of Nations member;
Admitting that previous League of Nations resolutions have done little to prevent Italian aggression against Abyssinia, particularly as pertains to economic sanctions;
Acknowledging that such sanctions, once imposed by the League of Nations, were dropped after the Italian occupation of Abyssinia's sovereign capital began;

Condemns in no uncertain terms the illegal Italian occupation of Abyssinia.
Requests the Kingdom of Italy to abide by an immediate ceasefire with regular and partisan forces working on behalf of the Abysinnian Empire.
Calls for heavy, binding economic sanctions as pertains to all wartime materials to be implemented against the Kingdom of Italy.
Mandates this body and its Council to appoint a supervisory committee for the period of one year, to ensure that the Kingdom of Italy continues to follow the rules and regulations of war of which it has agreed to.

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Re: Condemnation and Sanctioning of Italy

Post by acecipher » 01:37:34 Thursday, 09 November, 2017

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Poland supports this action; Italian aggression is not something we find ourselves approving of, even in lands far off of our shores.
Last edited by acecipher on 16:50:21 Thursday, 09 November, 2017, edited 1 time in total.
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Re: Condemnation and Sanctioning of Italy

Post by Serenissima » 01:40:35 Thursday, 09 November, 2017

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Mexico strongly supports this proposal. Is this not the very situation the League was intended to prevent?
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Re: Condemnation and Sanctioning of Italy

Post by CarpeVerpa » 06:26:49 Thursday, 09 November, 2017

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Naturally we must come out against such outrageous measures. The Spanish Republic speaks of international law, of peace and danger, the threat our nation and ideology. Yet we did not spur the Nationalists to revolt aganinst their regime. Nor did we come to power in Italy in any way other than by invitation of His Majesty, Victor Emmanuel III. No, all we have done is move upon a backwater, destitute African kingdom in Ethiopia.

We ask this body, what is wrong with that? Decades ago, many nations, including the very one proposing this measure, saw fit to carve up the Dark Continent amongst themselves. Lines were drawn, territory was taken, and empires were built. And why should they have not been? History is a series of conquests. War is human nature. The strong weed out the weak, and baptize those with potential in fire. Where would the nation of Spain be without the Reconquista? Where would Europe be were it not for the Napoleonic Wars? And what should the great men of history have done without the opportunities that war and strife afforded them?

You may think those more savage times, that we have moved "beyond" it. You may think the peoples of Ethiopia have some right to self-determination, that we have done nothing but conquer and enslave them. I then ask this body, where is the condemnation of colonialism and imperialism? The British and French nations control far more territory in Africa than we. Belgium, Portugal, and even Spain control land as well. And yet you lecture us on what land we can and cannot take? If right of conquest is unjust, should these lands not be returned to the locals, for them to govern themselves in peace? Why does Spain not turn her attentions to condemning colonialism, instead of but one colonizer?

The answer, we think, is obvious. The weak and decadent Spanish state, unable to even hold itself together, must cling like a leech to whatever it may can. It sees the strong and resolute, and it must band with others to cast them down, lest they grow strong enough to upset their precious status quo. They seek not comeptition or glory, advancement or change. They have theirs, and no ambition to gain more. They would deny that right to those who can, without actually putting forward the resolve to live by what they preach. Spain does not speak against general conquest and occupation of Africa because they have no interest in ending it. They only wish to stifle the strong. They are hypocrites, as is any nation which, forged from fire, nevertheless seeks to prevent others from building themselves in the same way now. They wish to have their gains without risk of losing them. They desire the freedom to lord over their realm without having to actually protect it. And heaven forbid if a nation may attempt to better itself.

This entire proposal is a farce. If Spain truly cares for peace, and for the plight of the African, they would do better to start at home. They would do better to deal with the rebellion within their borders, and then seek to liberating their colonial subjects, who they themselves had subjugated not decades earlier. They would spare the piddling words and resolutions, or at least act by what they preach. We encourage those with any sense to vote against this absurdity, or else admit to their own supposed crimes and correct them, rather than jealously guard their own gains whilst preventing anyone else from joining their little club.

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Re: Condemnation and Sanctioning of Italy

Post by Luc » 11:43:15 Thursday, 09 November, 2017

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UNION OF SOVIET SOCIALIST REPUBLICS

The Soviet Union wholeheartedly approves of the proposal put forth by the Spanish Delegation. The invasion of Abyssina by Italian forces is truly one of the most barbarous acts of aggression in recent memory, and its absurdity is only overshadowed by this body's previous inability to address and prevent such a blatant act of aggression. For that, we would like to comend our Spanish and Mexican comrades for their heartfelt display of solidarity towards the oppressed peoples of Ethiopia, our government and the peoples of all the soviet republics salute and honour their most noble efforts tonight.

The Soviet delegation would also like to comment on the declaration issued by the Italian representatives. It is indeed true that decades ago the African continent was partitioned and stripped apart by European powers, with Italy being included in all talks and recieving considerable amounts of land in Libyia and Somalia. However, it is the duty of the Soviet Delegation to remind the Italian representatives that the days of 1884 and 1885 are long gone and that a new age of peace and prosperity is slowly rising for all peoples from the ruins of failed militaristic dreams and cruel imperialist experiments. If the Kingdom of Italy fails to recognize that in our modern times we must strive to uphold the values of self-determination and peaceful co-existance at all times, then perhaps there is no place for the Italian nation in such an organization as the League of Nations.
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Re: Condemnation and Sanctioning of Italy

Post by Serenissima » 12:51:06 Thursday, 09 November, 2017

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Haile Selassie I, Emperor of Ethiopia wrote:"I am here today to claim that justice which is due to my people, and the assistance promised to it eight months ago, when fifty nations asserted that aggression had been committed in violation of international treaties.

There is no precedent for a Head of State himself speaking in this assembly. But there is also no precedent for a people being victim of such injustice and being at present threatened by abandonment to its aggressor. Also, there has never before been an example of any Government proceeding to the systematic extermination of a nation by barbarous means, in violation of the most solemn promises made by the nations of the earth that there should not be used against innocent human beings the terrible poison of harmful gases. It is to defend a people struggling for its age-old independence that the head of the Ethiopian Empire has come to Geneva to fulfil this supreme duty, after having himself fought at the head of his armies.

I pray to Almighty God that He may spare nations the terrible sufferings that have just been inflicted on my people, and of which the chiefs who accompany me here have been the horrified witnesses.

It is my duty to inform the Governments assembled in Geneva, responsible as they are for the lives of millions of men, women and children, of the deadly peril which threatens them, by describing to them the fate which has been suffered by Ethiopia. It is not only upon warriors that the Italian Government has made war. It has above all attacked populations far removed from hostilities, in order to terrorize and exterminate them.

At the beginning, towards the end of 1935, Italian aircraft hurled upon my armies bombs of tear-gas. Their effects were but slight. The soldiers learned to scatter, waiting until the wind had rapidly dispersed the poisonous gases. The Italian aircraft then resorted to mustard gas. Barrels of liquid were hurled upon armed groups. But this means also was not effective; the liquid affected only a few soldiers, and barrels upon the ground were themselves a warning to troops and to the population of the danger.

It was at the time when the operations for the encircling of Makalle were taking place that the Italian command, fearing a rout, followed the procedure which it is now my duty to denounce to the world. Special sprayers were installed on board aircraft so that they could vaporize, over vast areas of territory, a fine, death-dealing rain. Groups of nine, fifteen, eighteen aircraft followed one another so that the fog issuing from them formed a continuous sheet. It was thus that, as from the end of January, 1936, soldiers, women, children, cattle, rivers, lakes and pastures were drenched continually with this deadly rain. In order to kill off systematically all living creatures, in order to more surely to poison waters and pastures, the Italian command made its aircraft pass over and over again. That was its chief method of warfare.

The very refinement of barbarism consisted in carrying ravage and terror into the most densely populated parts of the territory, the points farthest removed from the scene of hostilities. The object was to scatter fear and death over a great part of the Ethiopian territory. These fearful tactics succeeded. Men and animals succumbed. The deadly rain that fell from the aircraft made all those whom it touched fly shrieking with pain. All those who drank the poisoned water or ate the infected food also succumbed in dreadful suffering. In tens of thousands, the victims of the Italian mustard gas fell. It is in order to denounce to the civilized world the tortures inflicted upon the Ethiopian people that I resolved to come to Geneva. None other than myself and my brave companions in arms could bring the League of Nations the undeniable proof. The appeals of my delegates addressed to the League of Nations had remained without any answer; my delegates had not been witnesses. That is why I decided to come myself to bear witness against the crime perpetrated against my people and give Europe a warning of the doom that awaits it, if it should bow before the accomplished fact.

Is it necessary to remind the Assembly of the various stages of the Ethiopian drama? For 20 years past, either as Heir Apparent, Regent of the Empire, or as Emperor, I have never ceased to use all my efforts to bring my country the benefits of civilization, and in particular to establish relations of good neighbourliness with adjacent powers. In particular I succeeded in concluding with Italy the Treaty of Friendship of 1928, which absolutely prohibited the resort, under any pretext whatsoever, to force of arms, substituting for force and pressure the conciliation and arbitration on which civilized nations have based international order.

In its report of October 5th 1935, the Committee of Thirteen recognized my effort and the results that I had achieved. The Governments thought that the entry of Ethiopia into the League, whilst giving that country a new guarantee for the maintenance of her territorial integrity and independence, would help her to reach a higher level of civilization. It does not seem that in Ethiopia today there is more disorder and insecurity than in 1923. On the contrary, the country is more united and the central power is better obeyed.

I should have procured still greater results for my people if obstacles of every kind had not been put in the way by the Italian Government, the Government which stirred up revolt and armed the rebels. Indeed the Rome Government, as it has today openly proclaimed, has never ceased to prepare for the conquest of Ethiopia. The Treaties of Friendship it signed with me were not sincere; their only object was to hide its real intention from me. The Italian Goverment asserts that for 14 years it has been preparing for its present conquest. It therefore recognizes today that when it supported the admission of Ethiopia to the League of Nations in 1923, when it concluded the Treaty of Friendship in 1928, when it signed the Pact of Paris outlawing war, it was deceiving the whole world. The Ethiopian Government was, in these solemn treaties, given additional guarantees of security which would enable it to achieve further progress along the specific path of reform on which it had set its feet, and to which it was devoting all its strength and all its heart.

The Wal-Wal incident, in December, 1934, came as a thunderbolt to me. The Italian provocation was obvious and I did not hesitate to appeal to the League of Nations. I invoked the provisions of the treaty of 1928, the principles of the Covenant; I urged the procedure of conciliation and arbitration. Unhappily for Ethiopia this was the time when a certain Government considered that the European situation made it imperative at all costs to obtain the friendship of Italy. The price paid was the abandonment of Ethiopian independence to the greed of the Italian Government. This secret agreement, contrary to the obligations of the Covenant, has exerted a great influence over the course of events. Ethiopia and the whole world have suffered and are still suffering today its disastrous consequences.

This first violation of the Covenant was followed by many others. Feeling itself encouraged in its policy against Ethiopia, the Rome Government feverishly made war preparations, thinking that the concerted pressure which was beginning to be exerted on the Ethiopian Government, might perhaps not overcome the resistance of my people to Italian domination. The time had to come, thus all sorts of difficulties were placed in the way with a view to breaking up the procedure; of conciliation and arbitration. All kinds of obstacles were placed in the way of that procedure. Governments tried to prevent the Ethiopian Government from finding arbitrators amongst their nationals: when once the arbitral tribunal a was set up pressure was exercised so that an award favourable to Italy should be given.

All this was in vain: the arbitrators, two of whom were Italian officials, were forced to recognize unanimously that in the Wal-Wal incident, as in the subsequent incidents, no international responsibility was to be attributed to Ethiopia.

Following on this award. the Ethiopian Government sincerely thought that an era of friendly relations might be opened with Italy. I loyally offered my hand to the Roman Government. The Assembly was informed by the report of the Committee of Thirteen, dated October 5th, 1935, of the details of the events which occurred after the month of December, 1934, and up to October 3rd, 1935.

It will be sufficient if I quote a few of the conclusions of that report Nos. 24, 25 and 26 "The Italian memorandum (containing the complaints made by Italy) was laid on the Council table on September 4th, 1935, whereas Ethiopia's first appeal to the Council had been made on December 14th, 1934. In the interval between these two dates, the Italian Government opposed the consideration of the question by the Council on the ground that the only appropriate procedure was that provided for in the Italo-Ethiopian Treaty of 1928. Throughout the whole of that period, moreover, the despatch of Italian troops to East Africa was proceeding. These shipments of troops were represented to the Council by the Italian Government as necessary for the defense of its colonies menaced by Ethiopia's preparations. Ethiopia, on the contrary, drew attention to the official pronouncements made in Italy which, in its opinion, left no doubt "as to the hostile intentions of the Italian Government."

From the outset of the dispute, the Ethiopian Government has sought a settlement by peaceful means. It has appealed to the procedures of the Covenant. The Italian Government desiring to keep strictly to the procedures of the Italo-Ethiopian Treaty of 1928, the Ethiopian Government assented. It invariably stated that it would faithfully carry out the arbitral award even if the decision went against it. It agreed that the question of the ownership of Wal-Wal should not be dealt with by the arbitrators, because the Italian Government would not agree to such a course. It asked the Council to despatch neutral observers and offered to lend itself to any enquiries upon which the Council might decide.

Once the Wal-Wal dispute had been settled by arbiration, however, the Italian Govemmcnt submitted its detailed memorandum to the Council in support of its claim to liberty of action. It asserted that a case like that of Ethiopia cannot be settled by the means provided by the Covenant. It stated that, "since this question affects vital interest and is of primary importance to Italian security and civilization" it "would be failing in its most elementary duty, did it not cease once and for all to place any confidence in Ethiopia, reserving full liberty to adopt any measures that may become necessary to ensure the safety of its colonies and to safeguard its own interests."

Those are the terms of the report of the Committee of Thirteen, The Council and the Assembly unanimously adopted the conclusion that the Italian Government had violated the Covenant and was in a state of aggression. I did not hesitate to declare that I did not wish for war, that it was imposed upon me, and I should struggle solely for the independence and integrity of my people, and that in that struggle I was the defender of the cause of all small States exposed to the greed of a powerful neighbour.

In October, 1935. the 52 nations who are listening to me today gave me an assurance that the aggressor would not triumph, that the resources of the Covenant would be employed in order to ensure the reign of right and the failure of violence.

I ask the fifty-two nations not to forget today the policy upon which they embarked eight months ago, and on faith of which I directed the resistance of my people against the aggressor whom they had denounced to the world. Despite the inferiority of my weapons, the complete lack of aircraft, artillery, munitions, hospital services, my confidence in the League was absolute. I thought it to be impossible that fifty-two nations, including the most powerful in the world, should be successfully opposed by a single aggressor. Counting on the faith due to treaties, I had made no preparation for war, and that is the case with certain small countries in Europe.

When the danger became more urgent, being aware of my responsibilities towards my people, during the first six months of 1935 I tried to acquire armaments. Many Governments proclaimed an embargo to prevent my doing so, whereas the Italian Government through the Suez Canal, was given all facilities for transporting without cessation and without protest, troops, arms, and munitions.

On October 3rd, 1935, the Italian troops invaded my territory. A few hours later only I decreed general mobilization. In my desire to maintain peace I had, following the example of a great country in Europe on the eve of the Great War, caused my troops to withdraw thirty kilometres so as to remove any pretext of provocation.

War then took place in the atrocious conditions which I have laid before the Assembly. In that unequal struggle between a Government commanding more than forty-two million inhabitants, having at its disposal financial, industrial and technical means which enabled it to create unlimited quantities of the most death-dealing weapons, and, on the other hand, a small people of twelve million inhabitants, without arms, without resources having on its side only the justice of its own cause and the promise of the League of Nations. What real assistance was given to Ethiopia by the fifty two nations who had declared the Rome Government guilty of a breach of the Covenant and had undertaken to prevent the triumph of the aggressor? Has each of the States Members, as it was its duty to do in virtue of its signature appended to Article 15 of the Covenant, considered the aggressor as having committed an act of war personally directed against itself? I had placed all my hopes in the execution of these undertakings. My confidence had been confirmed by the repeated declarations made in the Council to the effect that aggression must not be rewarded, and that force would end by being compelled to bow before right.

In December, 1935, the Council made it quite clear that its feelings were in harmony with those of hundreds of millions of people who, in all parts of the world, had protested against the proposal to dismember Ethiopia. It was constantly repeated that there was not merely a conflict between the Italian Government and the League of Nadons, and that is why I personally refused all proposals to my personal advantage made to me by the Italian Government, if only I would betray my people and the Covenant of the League of Nations. I was defending the cause of all small peoples who are threatened with aggression.

What have become of the promises made to me as long ago as October, 1935? I noted with grief, but without surprise that three Powers considered their undertakings under the Covenant as absolutely of no value. Their connections with Italy impelled them to refuse to take any measures whatsoever in order to stop Italian aggression. On the contrary, it was a profound disappointment to me to learn the attitude of a certain Government which, whilst ever protesting its scrupulous attachment to the Covenant, has tirelessly used all its efforts to prevent its observance. As soon as any measure which was likely to be rapidly effective was proposed, various pretexts were devised in order to postpone even consideration of the measure. Did the secret agreements of January, 1935, provide for this tireless obstruction?

The Ethiopian Government never expected other Governments to shed their soldiers' blood to defend the Covenant when their own immediately personal interests were not at stake. Ethiopian warriors asked only for means to defend themselves. On many occasions I have asked for financial assistance for the purchase of arms That assistance has been constantly refused me. What, then, in practice, is the meaning of Article 16 of the Covenant and of collective security?

The Ethiopian Government's use of the railway from Djibouti to Addis Ababa was in practice a hazardous regards transport of arms intended for the Ethiopian forces. At the present moment this is the chief, if not the only means of supply of the Italian armies of occupation. The rules of neutrality should have prohibited transports intended for Italian forces, but there is not even neutrality since Article 16 lays upon every State Member of the League the duty not to remain a neutral but to come to the aid not of the aggressor but of the victim of aggression. Has the Covenant been respected? Is it today being respected?

Finally a statement has just been made in their Parliaments by the Governments of certain Powers, amongst them the most influential members of the League of Nations, that since the aggressor has succeeded in occupying a large part of Ethiopian territory they propose not to continue the application of any economic and financial measures that may have been decided upon against the Italian Government. These are the circumstances in which at the request of the Argentine Government, the Assembly of the League of Nations meets to consider the situation created by Italian aggression. I assert that the problem submitted to the Assembly today is a much wider one. It is not merely a question of the settlement of Italian aggression.

It is collective security: it is the very existence of the League of Nations. It is the confidence that each State is to place in international treaties. It is the value of promises made to small States that their integrity and their independence shall be respected and ensured. It is the principle of the equality of States on the one hand, or otherwise the obligation laid upon smail Powers to accept the bonds of vassalship. In a word, it is international morality that is at stake. Have the signatures appended to a Treaty value only in so far as the signatory Powers have a personal, direct and immediate interest involved?

No subtlety can change the problem or shift the grounds of the discussion. It is in all sincerity that I submit these considerations to the Assembly. At a time when my people are threatened with extermination, when the support of the League may ward off the final blow, may I be allowed to speak with complete frankness, without reticence, in all directness such as is demanded by the rule of equality as between all States Members of the League?

Apart from the Kingdom of the Lord there is not on this earth any nation that is superior to any other. Should it happen that a strong Government finds it may with impunity destroy a weak people, then the hour strikes for that weak people to appeal to the League of Nations to give its judgment in all freedom. God and history will remember your judgment.

I have heard it asserted that the inadequate sanctions already applied have not achieved their object. At no time, and under no circumstances could sanctions that were intentionally inadequate, intentionally badly applied, stop an aggressor. This is not a case of the impossibility of stopping an aggressor but of the refusal to stop an aggressor. When Ethiopia requested and requests that she should be given financial assistance, was that a measure which it was impossible to apply whereas financial assistance of the League has been granted, even in times of peace, to two countries and exactly to two countries who have refused to apply sanctions against the aggressor?

Faced by numerous violations by the Italian Government of all international treaties that prohibit resort to arms, and the use of barbarous methods of warfare, it is my painful duty to note that the initiative has today been taken with a view to raising sanctions. Does this initiative not mean in practice the abandonment of Ethiopia to the aggressor? On the very eve of the day when I was about to attempt a supreme effort in the defense of my people before this Assembly does not this initiative deprive Ethiopia of one of her last chances to succeed in obtaining the support and guarantee of States Members? Is that the guidance the League of Nations and each of the States Members are entitled to expect from the great Powers when they assert their right and their duty to guide the action of the League? Placed by the aggressor face to face with the accomplished fact, are States going to set up the terrible precendent of bowing before force?

Your Assembly will doubtless have laid before it proposals for the reform of the Covenant and for rendering more effective the guarantee of collective security. Is it the Covenant that needs reform? What undertakings can have any value if the will to keep them is lacking? It is international morality which is at stake and not the Articles of the Covenant. On behalf of the Ethiopian people, a member of the League of Nations, I request the Assembly to take all measures proper to ensure respect for the Covenant. I renew my protest against the violations of treaties of which the Ethiopian people has been the victim. I declare in the face of the whole world that the Emperor, the Government and the people of Ethiopia will not bow before force; that they maintain their claims that they will use all means in their power to ensure the triumph of right and the respect of the Covenant.

I ask the fifty-two nations, who have given the Ethiopian people a promise to help them in their resistance to the aggressor, what are they willing to do for Ethiopia? And the great Powers who have promised the guarantee of collective security to small States on whom weighs the threat that they may one day suffer the fate of Ethiopia, I ask what measures do you intend to take?

Representatives of the World, I have come to Geneva to discharge in your midst the most painful of the duties of the head of a State. What reply shall I have to take back to my people?"
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Re: Condemnation and Sanctioning of Italy

Post by Red John » 23:55:23 Thursday, 09 November, 2017

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Eino Rudolf Woldemar Holsti
Finnish delegate to the League of Nations
We find ourselves ashamed by this most heartfelt of speeches. Ashamed, that we in this international body, have failed not only this honourable emperor, but the people of Abyssinia, too. We have failed them so greatly, in fact, that it would be entirely understandable of them to denounce this body and remove themselves entirely. And yet they have not - and yet, this emperor of a people who lay under the boot of tyranny, has not. He has braved hostile waters and made the hard decision to leave his home and his people, in an attempt to find true justice for the crimes that the Kingdom of Italy has committed unto the peoples of Abyssina.

It is our opinion, that this body should not fail this man once again. That this body, shall not fail the people of Abysinnia once again. We have heard the brutal conditions faced by the innocent people of Abyssinia - mass use of chemical weaponry, the devastation of entire villages and landscapes - and there is absolutely no doubt in our minds that unless this body takes immediate action, it will bring into question the very foundations of this body and whether or not it has any legitimacy left - legitimacy that has already been damaged by failing to act in a decisive manner before.

The defence of the Italians is not that this is just, that they are acting in any sort of righteous manner, or that they are acting to defend anything more than to satiate their lust for power - their defence is that because others have acted similarly, their sordid attempts at empire building should also be allowed to pass. Such a childish way of thinking has led to the deaths of tens of thousands - perhaps even hundreds of thousands - of people. If this body tolerates such blatant war mongering, such undisguised contempt for our fellow nations, then we again must call into question the effectiveness of this body.

So we must ask ourselves - will we stand by our Abyssinian brethren against these awful and illegal injustices? Or shall we, once again, tolerate this and sacrifice them to the Italian war machine, completely delegitimising this body as any sort of international arbiter and making it clear to every nation in the world, that you can only rely on ones own armed forces?

Finland can only lament how little we can do to stop these acts - but we can at the very least urge other nations to stand up and join us in voting yes to this resolution.

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Re: Condemnation and Sanctioning of Italy

Post by Flamelord » 00:44:13 Friday, 10 November, 2017

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The Czechoslovakian government has long appreciated it's friendship with the Abyssinian people and has previously sought not only to uphold Article X of the Covenant of the League of Nations, but also to preserve the independence of that country from Italian conquest. As was noted, this is no longer the 1880s when a few powers could dictate the fate of a continent. Actions have consequences, and if the ideals that this body claims to uphold are to mean anything, we cannot simply stand by as the treaties which bind us all are flagrantly violated by their signatories.

As such, Czechoslovakia supports the position of Emperor Haile Selassie I, and votes Yes on the proposal by Spain

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Re: Condemnation and Sanctioning of Italy

Post by scorpion » 14:11:01 Tuesday, 14 November, 2017

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Irregardless of Germany's vacated status, the Reich sends a message with a few words to say.

Every nation in this forum, that has posted in favor of the resolution put forth by the Spanish Republic have very short memories. This is not surprising because none have ever had colonies they've bled for in Africa, aside from Spain. For decades Africa has been subject to colonial powers because it is what was needed to advance life there.

I think there is a reason no other colonial power has voted in favor of this resolution. France, the United Kingdom, Portugal etc all know that without European oversight, Africa would be subject to heat, disease, and blood thirsty savages. The French Foreign Legion made a name for itself with colonial expansion. The European standard of civilization has saved Africa from being a wasteland. It has always been a place where the strong prevail.

If this doesn't fit the agenda of the Spanish Republic, then its government should lead by example and forfeit its own colonies instead of being hypocritical, and acting as if the expansion of European civilization by the sword never occurred under Spain's watch.
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Re: Condemnation and Sanctioning of Italy

Post by Smyg » 14:42:45 Tuesday, 14 November, 2017

Will someone please vacate the Hun from this esteemed body? He is not invited.
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Re: Condemnation and Sanctioning of Italy

Post by Serenissima » 16:02:16 Tuesday, 14 November, 2017

scorpion wrote:
14:11:01 Tuesday, 14 November, 2017

Irregardless of Germany's vacated status, the Reich sends a message with a few words to say.
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Given the curt letter announcing Germany's renunciation of the League of Nations, dated 19th October 1933, Germany does not have speaking rights in this Palace of Nations unless it wishes to re-apply for membership and affirm its acceptance of the Covenant.

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"Imagine lies, and then write them down in order. That is literally all authors do!"

Serenissima's WW2 BoP: The GM (obviously)
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Re: Condemnation and Sanctioning of Italy

Post by MTFD » 21:50:02 Tuesday, 14 November, 2017

The Netherlands strongly condemns Italy in it's war of aggression on Abyssinia. Gentlemen, this body was founded on 'never again', well let us take a stand and act on it. We wholeheartedly agree on sanctioning Italy until they withdraw from Abyssinia.

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Re: Condemnation and Sanctioning of Italy

Post by marankara » 20:49:52 Thursday, 16 November, 2017

The French Government has found this entire business very frustrating to say the least. It seems that we speak past each other at every turn. We see the words of the Italians wanting to show themselves out in the world sphere, the Leagues Sphere. We also see the fact of the Abyssinian government being forced to come to our League to try and show that in our inaction, we have allowed yet more pain in the world. We have already seen the backing out of the Japanese for their incursions into the Manchurian area, and also seen the Germans leave our delegations. We do not wish to see the Italians do the same because they assume we have no teeth in our agreements. We shall support negotiations between Abyssinia and Italy for a more peaceable action going forward. But as such, we must think of this fairly and control our words so we do not keep talking past one another in this peace talk.

As such, as of right now we do not have a new Secretary General to amend and use this resolution to make digestible for the both parties involved it is hard to agree to vote on such an action. Yet, if we do not, we just continue to show those that would damage and declaw the League that we are nothing but words, angry and fury signifying very little as our friends in Britain might say. Therefore, in our inaction we are choosing a side, a side of war and anger and the displacement of yet more pain onto those that care hardly handle it at all. We will move to tentatively support this bill so far as it does not hamper our tentative relationship with the Italians as it is. To take away all war capabilities it would leave the Nation of Italy defenseless, and that is not what we wish, a weak nation is just as dangerous a vile and wicked one, for another nation my attack it and ruin the peace we have tired so hard to hold. We must see to our actions that we do not bind Italy with hempen rope, and allow it to dig into its skin, allowing its pain to fester unheeded. To harm another nation in our reaction to a nation harming another only makes us seem the bully all the more. In our opinion we shall sanction the Italians for their crimes, and that is all. We must allow for a more open dialogue between the countries affected and by the leaders of the League with the Italians for a more peaceable final action.

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Re: Condemnation and Sanctioning of Italy

Post by CarpeVerpa » 00:46:19 Friday, 17 November, 2017

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Our agitated grandstanding aside, we must admit to seeing wisdom in the French position. We have done all we aimed to achieve in our military action in Ethiopia, and are now willing to compromise on other points for the sake of lasting peace and international communications.

Henceforth, we shall propose the following terms to review of both the League and the government of Ethiopia to see their views on the matter.
1. Recognizing the illegality and ill-spirit of dissestablishing Ethiopia as an independent state, Italy shall end control over Ethiopia as administered by the entity known as Italian East Africa.

2. Nevertheless acknowledging the sorry state of affairs in Ethiopia, which includes a prevalence of slavery and lack of economic development, Italy proposes to instead render Ethiopia an Italian mandate, whereby Italy shall be responsible for overseeing Ethiopia's protection and development.

3. Acknowledging the dedication and zeal demonstrated in Emperor Halie Selassie I, King Victor Emmanuel III of Italy shall relinquish his claim to the title of Emperor of Ethiopia in favor of the rightful Emperor, Halie Selassie I, and allow him to govern his nation with Italian assistance and oversight.

4. In recognition of the issue of slavery in point 2, Ethiopia shall henceforth outlaw the practice of slavery, and allow Italian officials to see to the immediate and summary abolition of said in all parts of the nation, with the cooperation of and authority to act from local officials.

5. In recognition of the importance and rights to self-determination of all peoples, to allow a referendum to be held on the ultimate fate of Ethiopia in respect to sovereignty and style of government in 25 years time, alloting for development and literacy programs to take place in order to expedite the process.
This is, by now means, an official document as stands, nor is it a final draft of what shall be in such a document, but simply a framework by which to work off of. We invite all other members of the League, and especially Ethiopia, to weigh in on such matters, so that things may at last be concluded in a satisfactory manner.
Percival Farquhar - The Republic Asunder: A Brazil Nation Sim

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Re: Condemnation and Sanctioning of Italy

Post by Smyg » 16:47:54 Friday, 17 November, 2017

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Great Britain

The United Kingdom votes yes to the Spanish motion.

In regards to the Italian proposal, we will turn it down, because it is built on false premises.

On the matter of slavery, it is indeed prevalent. However, recent Emperors have done much - in conjunction with British pressures in the Red Sea, attempting to end the Arabic slave trade - to suppress this custom since the middle of the 19th century. Especially active in this regard has been Emperor Haile Selassie, whose membership of the League of Nations was founded upon Ethiopian cooperation with the Temporary Slavery Commission. Abolishing slavery is no quick project, as we British know well, but the solution is not brutal conquest. The solutions is diplomatic pressure combined with international cooperation, aid and investment, to bring about social change and development. Your solution to every problem cannot be to march upon Rome, sir.

We would like to officially ask the Ethiopian representative to this body: Will His Imperial Majesty and your Government join the rest of the civilised world in signing and ratifying the Convention to Suppress the Slave Trade and Slavery of 1926, the Convention Concerning Forced or Compulsory Labour of 1930, and the Convention on the Suppression of Traffic of Women of Full Age of 1933, and begin an immediate campaign of abolition once the Emperor has been returned to his throne, in cooperation with and aided by the Anti-Slavery and Aborigines' Protection Society and the International Labour Organisation? A gradual such process began before the unilateral and illegal Italian invasion, starting with the Emperor's enrolment of former slaves in education programmes in 1924, but must be sped up now, we feel.

As for modernisation, extensive such has been undertaken during the regency and later reign of the Emperor. Let's see here...

[The British representative suddenly unfurls a long, long list from his pocket, and puts on a monocle to read it.]

Beginning in 1916 the establishment of electrical grids in major cities has taken place, hereditary feudal nobles have been curbed and substituted by merit-based appointees since 1917, the Djibouti-Addis Ababa railway began operating the same year, a military college and the Ethiopia Scout Association (suppressed by your own forces) were founded in 1918, European-based cabinet ministries were formed in 1920, outdated 15th-century laws were replaced in 1930 by a modern Criminal Code after a whole decade of minor criminal reform in the 1920s, printing presses were established from 1921, maximum legal interest rates were limited in 1921 to prevent usury, automobiles, motorcycles, trucks and bicycles have been widespread in their introduction since 1922, in 1922 modern hospitals were quickly established in the major cities, in 1924 the same was done for foreign language schools, modernised road networks linking cities came in 1925, a new national anthem was written in 1927 and the same year both airplanes and a National Bank were founded, from 1928 Ethiopian embassies and consulates were established across the world, the first native Ethiopian Orthodox Bishops were appointed in 1928 as well, when also the backwards superstition of lebasha was prohibited, in 1931 the first modern Constitution of Ethiopia was introduced alongside telephone and wireless services, in 1932 came the first modern prison facility, the Hager Fikir Theatre was built and the Ethiopian Red Cross Society founded in 1935...

[The British representative drops the list on the podium before him, and puts down the monocle.]

I could go on, gentlemen.

Let me remind you all of the other time that the idea of a newly created Mandate has been mooted by the League on the grounds of slavery and modernisation: Liberia in 1930. Dr. Cuthbert Christy led the League of Nations' International Commission of Inquiry into the Existence of Slavery and Forced Labour in the Republic of Liberia, the findings of which resulted in the resignation of the entire Liberian government. Amid all this, members of the League discussed turning Liberia into a Mandate. Later, the new President Edwin Barclay began clamping down on the forced labour practices, renegotiated loans with European banks, reopened relations with the governments of the West, and opened the Liberian economy to foreign investment. The issue was, hence, resolved entirely through dialogue, reform and investment. We didn't need to unilaterally invade Liberia, nor did we need to annex that sovereign nation into the colonial empire of Italy, Britain, France, America, or any other power. And frankly, it was a foolish discussion to have at all.

Secondly, let me quote Lord Balfour's 1922 statement in the League's official journal: "Mandates were not the creation of the League, and they could not in substance be altered by the League. The League's duties were confined to seeing that the specific and detailed terms of the mandates were in accordance with the decisions taken by the Allied and Associated Powers". The Great War is over. It is our view that as it stands, with the current mechanics of the League of Nations, there can and should be no further Mandates created.

Finally, the very idea of rewarding Italy by continuing to allow Ethiopia to act as a de facto Italian colony, when Italy has not only illegally invaded and annexed said country but also carried out extensive atrocities directly forbidden under the Geneva Conventions, such as the widespread usage of poison gas against both military and civilian targets, is preposterous. We propose simply this: An immediate Italian withdrawal from Ethiopia, a return to the regulations and borders agreed upon in the Italo–Ethiopian Treaty of Friendship and Arbitration of 1928, Italian and Ethiopian compensation for damages incurred and lives lost, a new multi-partisan investigation into the Walwal Incident, and negotiations on possible Italo-Ethiopian economic concessions to improve the lives of both Italian and Ethiopian citizens.
Comrade Astrojildo Pereira Duarte Silva
Secretary-General of the Partido Comunista do Brasil
(PCB)


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